[SOLVED] Need Assistance – Humanities

Case Study #5: Watch the
video Two Spirits: Joey Criddle, a Native American gay man, recounts the story
of how he underwent a transformation from a closeted Pentecostalist in
Mississippi to the co-director of the Two Spirit Society of Denver. (150 Words) no cover pages)Assignment # 5: CROSS-CULTURAL ANALYSIS OF SEXUAL ATTITUDES AND
BEHAVIORS -You are asked to identify a specific sexual behavior and examine how
it is practiced in two different contemporary cultures. You are free to select
almost any sexual behavior that interests you.Examples of appropriate topics would
include (but are not limited to) the following: kissing, homosexuality,
marriage, oral sex, sexual violence, transgenderism, paraphilia’s (e.g.,
fetishes), contraception, masturbation, cheating, the age of first intercourse,
statutory rape, etc. 2 pageshttp://www.lehmiller.com/blog/2012/5/14/why-are-so…6
Sexual Orientation
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Chapter Outline
●●
●●
●●
●●
Introduction 145
Sexual Orientation: Definitions and Types 145
Measurement and Prevalence 146
Theories of Sexual Orientation 149
Early Psychological Theories 149
Biological and Hormonal Theories 149
Evolutionary Theories 151
Biopsychosocial Theories 152
Sex Differences in the Expression of Sexual Orientation 155
Sexual Orientation Attitudes 158
Prejudice Against Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Persons 158
Sexual Orientation in Psychological Perspective 162
Sexual Orientation Myths 164
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The Psychology of Human Sexuality, First Edition. Justin J. Lehmiller.
© 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2014 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
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Sexual Orientation
145
Introduction
“Is it true that all women are inherently bisexual?”
“When a guy says he’s bisexual, does that mean he’s secretly gay?”
“Why are all gay men so effeminate?”
“Are gay and lesbian parents more likely to raise gay children?”
“How do gay people determine which one will be the ‘husband’ and which one will be the ‘wife’ in their
relationship?”
I have been asked these questions and numerous variations on them countless times. It is clear
from their nature that there is a fundamental lack of knowledge about variations in sexual orientation and what it really means to be gay, lesbian, or bisexual. These questions also highlight some
of the most common stereotypes that exist about sexual minorities, and many people fail to realize
just how hurtful and offensive these stereotypes can be. The purpose of this chapter is to provide
a scientifically based understanding of sexual orientation that will dispel some of the most widespread myths and misconceptions about homosexuality and bisexuality.
Copyright © 2014. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Sexual Orientation: Definitions and Types
Most textbook chapters on sexual orientation begin by providing a definition. Before we do that,
however, it is important to acknowledge that there is no universally agreed-upon definition of this
concept. Some people view sexual orientation as a matter of sexual attraction (i.e., who do you
find sexually desirable?). Others view it as a matter of sexual behavior (i.e., who do you have sex
with?). Yet others view it as a matter of psychological identity and labels (i.e., do you identify as
gay, straight, bisexual, or something else?). Scientists adopt different definitions to suit their research
purposes. For example, researchers in medicine and public health often focus on behavior and tend
not to c­ oncern themselves with matters of identity because they want to understand infection risk.
In contrast, researchers in psychology tend to focus more on attraction and identity because they
are more concerned with how sexuality is perceived and psychologically experienced. These variable definitions have the effect of making the literature on sexual orientation difficult to decipher at
times. For instance, as you will see in the next section, the way you define “sexual orientation”
significantly affects prevalence estimates (e.g., consider that far more people have engaged in
same-sex behavior than identify as gay or bisexual). Thus, when talking about sexual orientation,
it is important to look at it through a broad lens that takes into account attraction, behavior, and
identity, and recognizes that these factors may express themselves very differently in different individuals. For purposes of this textbook, we will therefore define sexual orientation as the unique
pattern of sexual and romantic desire, behavior, and identity that each person expresses.
Sexual orientation can take many different forms. Many people tend to think of it as comprising
just three categories: heterosexual (interest in members of the other sex), homosexual (interest in
members of the same sex), and bisexual (interest in men and women). However, sexual orientation
is perhaps best viewed as existing on a continuum, because sexuality can be quite complex and
people rarely fit neatly into a narrowly defined set of categories. The idea of a sexual orientation
continuum was first described by Alfred Kinsey (Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948) and can be seen
in Figure 6.1. The classic Kinsey Scale ranges from 0 (defined as an exclusive pattern of heterosexual attraction and behavior) to 6 (defined as an exclusive pattern of homosexual attraction and
Lehmiller, Justin J.. The Psychology of Human Sexuality, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central,
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146
Sexual Orientation
(0)
Exclusively
heterosexual
(1)
Mostly
heterosexual,
incidentally
homosexual
(2)
Mostly
heterosexual
with significant
homosexual
experience
(3)
Equally
heterosexual &
homosexual
(4)
Mostly
homosexual
with significant
heterosexual
experience
(5)
Mostly
homosexual,
incidentally
heterosexual
(6)
Exclusively
homosexual
Copyright © 2014. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Figure 6.1 Kinsey’s famous sexual orientation rating scale places sexuality on a continuum, which allows for varying
degrees of heterosexuality and homosexuality (Kinsey et al., 1948).
behavior), with 3 representing equal levels of heterosexuality and homosexuality. The remaining
numbers reflect varying degrees of bisexuality. One advantage of looking at sexuality on a continuum such as this is that it provides a more accurate method of categorization that accounts for
individual variability. In addition, the continuum does not imply that individuals will always have
the same “number” for their entire lives – it allows for the possibility that some people’s pattern of
attraction, behavior, and identity may change over time, and, indeed, this does happen.
While the Kinsey Scale is widely used even today, some would argue that it is incomplete
because it does not encompass all possible sexualities. For example, where would someone who is
asexual fit in? Asexuality refers to individuals who have no interest in partnered sexual activity.
Kinsey and most other sex researchers have seemingly assumed that everyone experiences at least
some degree of sexual attraction, but that is not necessarily the case. Likewise, where does pansexuality fall on this continuum? Pansexuality encompasses attraction to members of all sexes and
gender identities. It is broader than bisexuality, which implies that one can only be attracted to
biological males and females. As we learned in the previous chapter, this binary view of gender
necessarily excludes some people.
Asexuality and pansexuality are mentioned here as just two examples of sexual orientation variations that may not be captured by current measurement methods. Keep in mind that other sexualities can and do exist. Unfortunately, however, very little research has explored such alternative
sexualities. Because almost all research on nonheterosexual orientations in psychology has focused
on homosexuality and bisexuality, and this book is empirically based, those are the sexual orientations we will focus on for the remainder of this chapter.
Measurement and Prevalence
Every time I teach a course on sexuality I ask my students to tell me what percentage of the population they think is gay or lesbian. There is always a range of answers, but the most common
­estimate is typically 10%, and the students who cite it usually present it as a statement of fact.
However, the oft cited 10% statistic was derived from Alfred Kinsey’s work, in which he found that
10% of the men in his sample were predominately gay (i.e., they scored a 5 or higher on the Kinsey
Scale; Kinsey et al., 1948). For comparison purposes, the corresponding number for women was
3% (Kinsey, Pomeroy, Martin, & Gebhard, 1953). As we discussed in chapter 2, though, Kinsey did
not include a nationally representative sample. In fact, he oversampled from the gay community
by recruiting a lot of his participants in gay bars. Thus, Kinsey’s estimates may not be reliable.
More recent research based upon nationally representative samples has yielded somewhat
smaller numbers, although it is important to keep in mind that the results are not directly comparable across studies due to differences in how sexual orientation has been defined and measured.
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Sexual Orientation
147
Your Sexuality 6.1 What Percentage of the Population is Gay?
It Depends How You Ask the Question
The question of sexual orientation prevalence has vexed social scientists for decades. There
is not one simple statistic researchers can point to because scientists cannot agree upon a
universal definition of sexual orientation. As mentioned at the outset of this chapter, it is
difficult to fit everyone into neat, non-overlapping categories. As some evidence of the challenges faced by researchers in this area, please answer each of the questions below.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
With which sexual orientation label do you identify? _______
Are you currently attracted to anyone of the same sex? _______
Have you ever been attracted to anyone of the same sex? _______
Are you currently involved in a same-sex relationship? _______
Have you ever been involved in a same-sex relationship? _______
Have you ever engaged in sexual behavior with a member of the same sex (e.g., kissing,
masturbation, oral sex, etc.)? _______
Have you ever had a sexual dream or fantasy involving a member of the same sex?
_______
Do you connect better intimately or emotionally with members of the same sex?
_______
Copyright © 2014. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Were your answers to questions 2–8 perfectly consistent with the label that you specified in
the first question? For some people, their answers are consistent, whereas for others there is
a lot of variability. Labels do not always match up with behaviors, and neither behaviors nor
labels necessarily remain constant over time. If you were designing a survey and could only
ask about sexual orientation using one question, how would you ask it? Why?
Before we review the exact numbers, visit the Your Sexuality 6.1 box to think about your own
sexual orientation and how you would measure this construct if you were conducting a sex
survey.
In the National Health and Social Life Survey, 2.8% of men and 1.4% of women identified themselves as gay, lesbian, or bisexual (Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, & Michaels, 1994). In this same
study, however, the percentage who ever had same-sex contact after age 18 (5.0% of men and 4.0%
of women) or who reported feelings of attraction to a member of the same sex (6.0% of men and
5.5% of women) was a bit higher. Why is there such a discrepancy between sexual identity and
sexual behavior? Because identities and behaviors do not overlap as well as people assume. Not
everyone who has sex with persons of the same sex identifies as gay. For example, research has
found that men can be heterosexually identified, yet occasionally have sex with other men (i.e.,
they do it on the “down-low”; Reback & Larkins, 2013). Likewise, research has found that some
women experience sexual fluidity, a concept we will discuss later in this chapter. As you can see,
the way researchers operationalize sexual orientation has major implications for the results
obtained, with lower numbers typically observed when sexual orientation is assessed in terms of
self-identity and higher numbers when it is assessed in terms of behavior.
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148
Sexual Orientation
Table 6.1
Comparing Sexual Identity and Same-sex Sexual Behavior across National US Sex Surveys
National
Survey of
Family Growth,
2002
National Survey
of Family
Growth,
2006–2008
National Health and
Nutrition
Examination Survey,
2007–2008
National Survey of
Sexual Health and
Behavior, 2009
18–44
18–44
20–44
11.2
12.5
7.1
—
Homosexual
1.3
1.1
1.5
0.9
Bisexual
2.8
3.5
4.9
3.6
Something else
3.8
0.6
0.8
2.3
5.6
5.1
6.8
—
Homosexual
2.3
1.7
2.0
4.2
Bisexual
1.8
1.1
1.3
2.6
Something else
3.9
0.2
0.3
1.0
Age range
14–94
Female
Ever had sex with
same-sex partner?
Sexual Identity
Male
Ever had sex with
same-sex partner?
Copyright © 2014. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Sexual Identity
Note: “Something else” may indicate that individuals are questioning their identity or have adopted a different label
(e.g., queer).
— indicates data not available.
This table was adapted from data presented in Chandra, Mosher, & Copen (2011).
The most recently available sexual orientation data from a representative US sample comes
from the National Survey of Sexual Health and Behavior, which reported that 7.8% of men and
6.8% of women identified as non-heterosexual (Herbenick et al., 2010). Specifically, among men,
4.2% identified as gay, 2.6% as bisexual, and 1.0% as something else. Among women, the numbers
were 0.9%, 3.6%, and 2.3%, respectively. For additional data derived from recent national US sex
surveys looking at both sexual identity and behavior, see Table 6.1. It is worth mentioning that
national survey data from other countries has yielded similar estimates. For example, in England,
5.3% of men and 5.6% of women identify as something other than heterosexual (Hayes et al.,
2012). Thus, regardless of data source, it should be clear that even when we consider all non-­
heterosexual identities together, the resulting number is reliably less than 10%. However, keep in
mind that any estimates of prevalence need to be taken with a grain of salt, given that some people
may not be willing to reveal their true sexual identity in survey research because they are not
­comfortable with it or do not wish to be “outed.” The numbers presented here simply reflect our
best available data.
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Sexual Orientation
149
Theories of Sexual Orientation
The origin of sexual orientation is one that is fraught with myths and misconceptions. For example, some people have argued that homosexuality and bisexuality reflect a conscious choice.
However, there are no data to support the idea that most people choose their sexuality (American
Psychological Association, 2012). Also, if you accept the notion that homosexuality and bisexuality
are a matter of choice, then heterosexuality must also be a matter of choice. If that is the case, why
does it sound so absurd to ask someone who is heterosexual questions like “Why did you decide
to be heterosexual?” or “How old were you when you made the decision to become straight?”
Likewise, there are no data to support the idea that homosexuality is socially “caught” or transmitted or that it is the result of a person just not having had a good heterosexual experience yet (Bell,
1981). With this in mind, let us review research and theory offered by psychologists on the origin
of sexual orientation.
Early Psychological Theories
Copyright © 2014. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Sigmund Freud (1949) provided one of the first psychological perspectives on the development of
sexual orientation. According to Freud, all human beings are polymorphously perverse. By this,
he meant that humans can derive sexual pleasure from almost anything. One implication of this is
that when it comes to sexual attraction, everyone is inherently bisexual, possessing the capacity to
develop attraction to men or to women. However, he theorized that normal progression through
the psychosexual stages of development would typically result in a pattern of heterosexual attraction, thereby making bisexuality a latent characteristic in most people. Freud argued that homosexuality could stem from several factors, including fixation while passing through certain stages
or from having heterosexual experiences that are distressing. Subsequent research found little support for many of Freud’s ideas, though, particularly the notion that bad heterosexual experiences
may result in homosexuality.
Biological and Hormonal Theories
Modern research on the origin of sexual orientation has largely taken a biological perspective,
with the goal of finding physical or genetic markers associated with non-heterosexuality. Over the
past two decades, several studies have provided support for the idea that sexual orientation is at
least partially rooted in our biology.
First, several studies have reported differences in brain structure between persons with heterosexual and homosexual orientations. For instance, Simon LeVay (1991) reported that the third
interstitial nucleus of the anterior hypothalamus (INAH3) in heterosexual men was more than twice
the size of the INAH3 in homosexual men. For homosexual men, their INAH3 was very similar in
size to the corresponding structure in heterosexual women. Although compelling, LeVay’s work
had a major shortcoming, which was that he made his discovery through post-mortem dissections
in which he had to infer subjects’ sexual orientation based upon their medical records. Thus, subjects’ sexuality was not necessarily known with certainty, meaning some participants may have
been miscategorized. In addition, almost all of the men he categorized as homosexual had died of
AIDS, making it unclear whether the size of their INAH3 was a product of their sexuality or of a
disease process.
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150
Sexual Orientation
More recent studies building upon these limitations continue to support LeVay’s contention
that sexuality may be rooted in the size and structure of our brains. For instance, a study that utilized brain-imaging technology on live patients found that participants’ self-reported sexual orientation was associated with brain symmetry and the number of nerve connections in the amygdala
(Savic & Lindstrom, 2008). Specifically, this study found that gay men’s brains looked more like
those of heterosexual women in that they tended to be more symmetrical (i.e., the left and right
hemispheres were of similar size) and possessed a greater concentration of nerve connections in
the left side of the amygdala. In contrast, lesbian’s brains looked more like those of heterosexual
men in that they tended to be asymmetrical (i.e., one hemisphere was bigger than the other) and
possessed more nerve connections in the right side of the amygdala.
In addition to brain symmetry, facial symmetry (i.e., the degree to which the left and right sides
of the face are identical) is related to sexual orientation (Hughes & Bremme, 2011). Specifically,
heterosexual individuals (both male and female) tend to have more symmetrical faces than gay
men and lesbians. This same research revealed that facial symmetry was highly correlated with
“gaydar,” or people’s ability to correctly guess others’ sexual orientation simply by looking at
them. This suggests that symmetry may be one cue we use to infer the sexuality of others; however, this is likely subconscious (i.e., people probably are not thinking “he’s pretty asymmetrical,
so I’d guess he’s gay”) and/or it may be correlated with a number of other physical cues that have
been shown to relate to the accuracy of sexual orientation judgments (e.g., movement, speech
patterns; Rieger, Linsenmeier, Gygax, Garcia, & Bailey, 2010).
Some research suggests that our sexual orientation may be revealed by our hands. For instance,
persons with a homosexual orientation are significantly more likely to be left-handed than their
heterosexual counterparts (Lalumiere, Blanchard, & Zucker, 2000). In addition, both gay men and
lesbians tend to exhibit sex-atypical finger-length ratios (Williams et al., 2000). The finger-length
ratio typically observed in heterosexual individuals is as follows: among women, the index finger
(second digit) is usually the same length as the ring finger (fourth digit), whereas in men, the index
finger is usually a little shorter than the ring finger. Studies indicate that lesbians tend to exhibit the
more masculine pattern (i.e., shorter index finger relative to ring finger), whereas gay men (but
only gay men with two or more older brothers) tend to show an even more exaggerated masculine
pattern. You may think the caveat about older brothers is odd and that the researchers were grasping at straws there, but it is consistent with other research finding that the more older brothers a
man has, the more likely he is to be gay. In fact, studies have found that for each extra brother a
man has, his odds of being gay increase by 33% (Blanchard & Bogaert, 1996). Why? The prevailing
theory is something changes inside the mother’s body with each successive son (e.g., her body may
be creating antibodies to male proteins that affect all of the following sons). Thus, it makes sense
that the exaggerated finger-length pattern only emerged among gay men with a greater number
of older male siblings because these two factors may be related in some way.
One final piece of evidence suggesting a biological basis for sexual orientation is twin studies. In
general, research has found that the more genetic material two people share, the more likely they are
to have the same sexual orientation. Thus, most twin studies have found that the concordance rate
for homosexuality is higher for identical twins (who share 100% of their DNA) than it is for fraternal
twins (who share about 50% of their DNA; Hershberger, 2001). In other words, identical twins are
more likely to have the same sexual orientation than are fraternal twins or non-twin siblings.
The primary explanation for most of the above effects centers around prenatal hormone exposure.
One theory is that both gay men and lesbians are exposed to higher than usual levels of androgens
in utero. Such an explanation makes sense in light of the finger-length ratio studies; however, it
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151
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Figure 6.2 The ratio of the second to fourth digit on the hand has been shown to predict sexual orientation in numerous
studies. This image depicts the typical male finger length pattern, with the second digit being shorter than the fourth.
Image Copyright DenisNata, 2013. Used under license from Shutterstock.com.
would seem to have trouble accounting for the studies indicating that gay men’s brains tend to
look more like those of heterosexual women than those of heterosexual men. This is not to say
that this explanation is inherently wrong, but rather it may be that there are different genetic paths
to homosexuality (i.e., for some it may be a matter of hormones, for others it may be due to genes,
etc.). As some support for this idea, keep in mind that none of above findings applies in every single case. For instance, not all identical twins share the same sexual orientation, some gay men are
the first-born in their families, some lesbians show the more feminine finger length pattern, and so
on. There are numerous exceptions to all of the effects documented above, which tells us that
sexuality is complex and likely multi-determined. The results of this research simply reveal that
biology seems to play some role in the development of sexual orientation, but it is not necessarily
the only factor.
Evolutionary Theories
As discussed in Chapter 1, evolutionary theory would appear to have a hard time explaining the
prevalence of homosexuality, given that same-sex behavior does not enhance one’s chances of
reproductive success. Nonetheless, others have argued that homosexuality may be adaptive in a
non-obvious way. For instance, what has come to be known as the “gay uncle” hypothesis was
advanced several decades ago and proposes that people who do not necessarily produce their
own genetic offspring may enhance the survival of their family’s genes by providing resources to
their relatives’ children (Mayr, 1982). The viability of this hypothesis is questionable, given how
homosexuality has long been a socially stigmatized behavior. If it were an adaptive behavior in
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152
Sexual Orientation
the sense of this hypothesis, one might expect homosexuality to be socially revered rather than
marginalized.
A more recent evolutionary explanation suggests that male homosexuality may be a byproduct
of high female fertility (Camperio-Ciani, Corna, & Capiluppi, 2004). Specifically, some studies
have found that gay men’s female relatives on their mothers’ side tend to have significantly more
offspring than heterosexual men’s maternal female relatives. No such effect has been found for
paternal relatives. The results of such research tell us that greater female fertility is associated with
a higher likelihood of having gay children. Some have argued that enhanced fertility would more
than compensate for the fact that not all children in that genetic pool end up producing offspring
of their own. If this is indeed true, it would provide a plausible evolution-based account for why
homosexuality, at least in men, has persisted across time.
Evolutionary accounts of female same-sex behavior are harder to come by, but one such explanation is the alloparenting hypothesis (Kuhle & Radtke, 2012). This hypothesis specifies that women
have evolved a “flexible” sexuality that can shift between attraction to men and attraction to
women. It is thought that such flexibility was adaptive for our female ancestors, because when the
father of their children was out of the picture (e.g., he died) or did not make an adequate parenting
contribution (e.g., he defected to another relationship), one way of securing the help and resources
necessary to successfully raise their children was to start a relationship with another woman. Of
course, this hypothesis is limited in that it cannot provide an explanation for female same-sex
behavior that occurs outside the context of child-rearing.
Copyright © 2014. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Biopsychosocial Theories
The last set of theories we will consider view sexual orientation through a biopsychosocial lens,
acknowledging that a number of complex and diverse forces act upon human beings to create different sexualities. These theories posit that homosexuality is a product of more than just a “gay
gene,” and that genetics create certain predispositions that may only come out under certain environmental conditions. In this section, we consider Daryl Bem’s Exotic Becomes Erotic theory and
Lisa Diamond’s work on sexual fluidity.
Exotic Becomes Erotic
Social psychologist Daryl Bem (1996) proposes that individuals are not born with a certain sexual
orientation; rather, he theorizes that we are born with a temperament that predisposes us to prefer
some activities over others. Generally speaking, our temperaments lead to preferences for behaviors that are typical for our sex (i.e., boys tend to like male-typical activities such as competitive
sports, whereas girls tend to like female-typical activities such as cooperative play). As a result,
most of us engage in gender conformity as children. However, some children’s temperaments lead
them to prefer activities typically associated with the other sex. These children engage in gender
nonconformity.
Regardless of whether they are conformers or nonconformers, kids tend to seek out playmates
who enjoy the same activities. The result of this is that gender-conforming kids will begin to see
themselves as different from children of the other sex, while gender-nonconforming kids will start
to feel different from children of the same sex. In other words, we come to see those who engage
in different activities as exotic. Bem theorizes that these feelings of difference evoke nonsexual
physiological arousal whenever a child is near peers from whom that child feels different. During
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153
Biological variables
Genetics, exposure to prenatal hormones
Childhood temperaments
Differences in activity level, aggression, and other factors
Gender conforming or nonconforming behavior
Engagement in activities that are typical or atypical for
one’s sex; selection of playmates
Feelings of difference from same-sex or other-sex peers
Feeling different from peers who are “exotic” and have
other interests
Copyright © 2014. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Physiological arousal to same-sex or other-sex peers
Generalized, nonsexual arousal in the presence of
“exotic” peers
Erotic attraction to same-sex or other-sex peers
Around puberty, general arousal transforms into
sexual arousal
Figure 6.3 The Exotic Becomes Erotic theory incorporates biological and environmental influences on sexual
orientation (Bem, 1996).
puberty, when sexual feelings begin to develop, that physiological arousal eventually transforms
into sexual arousal. Hence, the exotic becomes erotic.
Bem’s theory has received a lot of praise for the way it seamlessly links biological and environmental influences. There is also a lot of support for the model in the sense that childhood gender
nonconformity is indeed one of the stronger predictors of adult homosexuality (Bailey & Zucker,
1995). As evidence linking childhood behavior to adult sexuality, consider a study in which heterosexual and homosexual men and women were asked to supply childhood home videos (Rieger,
Linsenmeier, Gygax, & Bailey, 2008). Research participants then rated the videos on the degree of
gender nonconformity expressed. Results indicated that “prehomosexual” children were rated as
significantly more gender-nonconforming than “preheterosexual” children.
Nonetheless, the validity of this model has been questioned on numerous grounds. For one
thing, some have argued that it does not apply equally well to men and women (Peplau, Garnets,
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154
Sexual Orientation
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Figure 6.4 Childhood gender nonconformity is one of the strongest predictors of adult homosexuality. However, keep
in mind that there is wide individual variability. Some nonconformers will become heterosexual and some conformers
will become homosexual. ©auremar/123RF.COM.
Spalding, Conley, & Veniegas, 1998). As we will discuss in the next section, sexual orientation may
develop and express itself differently across the sexes and perhaps a single theory cannot account
for this. In addition, Bem’s model would appear to imply that if you can change the nature of a
child’s behavior, you may be able to influence that child’s sexual orientation; however, most
­psychologists doubt this would be possible (LeVay, 2010).
Sexual Fluidity
Developmental psychologist Lisa Diamond (2008a,b) offers a rather different perspective on the
origin of sexual orientation. In her work, she argues that sexual orientation may have a stronger
biological component in men than in women. Specifically, she adopts the view men are more
likely to be “hardwired” for attraction to one sex, whereas women’s sexuality is less likely to be
focused on one specific category. The result is that women are more likely to experience variations
in their patterns of sexual attraction and behavior than are men.
As some evidence for this view, consider a longitudinal study conducted by Diamond (2008a) in
which she studied 100 women for nearly 10 years. All of her participants had experienced at least
some amount of same-sex attraction in the past and considered their sexuality to be bisexual, lesbian,
or unlabeled at the start of the study. Diamond found that about two-thirds of these women changed
their sexual orientation label at least once during that 10-year period, and these changes went in all
possible directions (i.e., some went from lesbian to bisexual, some from bisexual to heterosexual,
some from unlabeled to lesbian, etc.). These changes often coincided with who their specific sexual
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or romantic partner was at the time. Diamond termed this pattern of behavior sexual fluidity and
described it as the ability to adapt sexual and romantic attraction toward a specific person instead
of an overall gender category. Although Diamond’s research would appear to suggest that sexual
fluidity is a phenomenon unique to women, a national US survey in which participants were tracked
for a 10-year period found that about one-half of the men with a bisexual identity evidenced some
identity change over the course of the study (Mock & Eibach, 2012). Of course, the sample in this
particular study was very small (only 34 participants identified as bisexual at the start of the study),
but it suggests that for at least a small number of men, sexual fluidity may be possible and that being
male does not necessarily mean having a rigid and unchanging sexuality.
Diamond’s perspective is similar to Bem’s Exotic Becomes Erotic theory in that it suggests that
biology creates a sexual capacity that is influenced by social and environmental factors. It is perhaps
best to view Diamond’s work as a complement to Bem’s rather than as an alternative because each
may be better suited to helping us understand the nature of sexual orientation in different sexes.
Of course, it is important to keep in mind that this perspective, like all of the others covered in
this section, is inherently limited. For instance, although two-thirds of the women in Diamond’s
research evidenced sexual fluidity, she was not dealing with a representative sample. Thus, it would
not be wise to assume that all or even most women have a fluid sexuality, and it is not at all clear
why some women have it and others do not. In short, if you were hoping for a simple, clear answer
as to why variations in sexual orientation exist, I am afraid such an answer does not exist. In all
likelihood, sexuality is a product of multiple factors and there may be several routes to any given
sexual orientation.
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Sex Differences in the Expression of Sexual Orientation
As mentioned above, sexual fluidity is one way the sexual orientation of men and women differs, and
it is part of a much broader literature suggesting that women seem to have more erotic plasticity
than do men. Erotic plasticity is defined as the degree to which a person’s sex drive and sexual behavior is “flexible” and responsive to cultural and situational pressures (Baumeister, 2000).
In the seminal paper describing this phenomenon, Baumeister (2000) details evidence throughout the history of sex research indicating that (1) women’s sexual behavior fluctuates and varies
more across time than does men’s, (2) culture, education, and religion appear to have a stronger
effect on female sexuality than on male sexuality, and (3) there is a greater discrepancy between
sexual attitudes and behaviors for women than there is for men.
Let us review some specific research examples cited by Baumeister in support of these points.
With respect to women’s greater individual variability, consider that contrary to popular belief and
media depictions, women are more likely to engage in same-sex activity while in prison than are
men (Gagnon & Simon, 1968). Likewise, among married “swingers” (i.e., couples who swap or
exchange sexual partners) same-sex activity is common among wives, but extremely rare among
husbands (Bartell, 1970). In terms of women’s greater susceptibility to social influence, consider
that Catholic nuns are more successful at maintaining vows of celibacy than are male priests
(Murphy, 1992) and that female adolescents show more similarity in sexual attitudes and behaviors
to their parents than do male adolescents (Thornton & Camburn, 1987). Finally, regarding greater
inconsistency in women’s sexual attitudes and behaviors, research has found that women are far more
likely than men to engage in sexual activity when they do not have the desire for it (O’Sullivan &
Allgeier, 1998).
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Figure 6.5 Research has found that women demonstrate signs of sexual arousal in response to a wider range of
pornography than men. Image Copyright Dewayne Flowers, 2013. Used under license from Shutterstock.com.
Recent research has found additional evidence supporting the idea that women’s sexuality is
more flexible and adaptable than men’s. For instance, if you recall from chapter 4, we discussed a
study by Chivers, Rieger, Latty, and Bailey (2004) demonstrating that while heterosexual men only
exhibited significant genital arousal in response to porn featuring women, heterosexual women
exhibited strong levels of genital arousal in response to all kinds of porn, irrespective of whether
it featured lesbians, gay men, or heterosexual couples. An almost identical pattern of results was
reported by Rieger and Savin-Williams (2012), who assessed pupil dilation in response to sexually
arousing stimuli. Pupil dilation is an automatic response that occurs when we see an interesting
stimulus. In this study, gay and heterosexual men only showed dilation in response to images of
their desired sex; in contrast, heterosexual women showed dilation in response to both male and
female sexual imagery.
Similar conclusions could be drawn from research into the male and female sex drive. Across
three studies involving over 3,600 participants, Lippa (2006) found that for heterosexual women,
a high sex drive was correlated with reporting greater attraction to both men and women. In
contrast, for gay and heterosexual men, a higher sex drive was correlated with increased attraction only to their desired sex. One interesting caveat to Lippa’s (2006) sex-drive study and Rieger
and Savin-Williams’ (2012) pupil-dilation study is that in both cases, lesbians’ patterns did not
match those of heterosexual women. Specifically, lesbians’ data tended to look more like those
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Figure 6.6 Can our eyes reveal our sexual orientation? Research indicates that our pupils dilate in response to imagery
that we find sexually arousing. ©Svetlana Vitkovskaya/123RF.COM.
of heterosexual men (i.e., they only evidenced high levels of attraction toward their desired sex).
This suggests that lesbians may not demonstrate the same degree of erotic plasticity as heterosexual women.
As two additional pieces of evidence suggesting that women’s sexuality tends to be variable
whereas men’s tends to be more category-specific, consider the fact that fetishes (i.e., cases where
sexual arousal is dependent upon the presence of a specific object) occur with some frequency in
men, but are almost unheard of in women. Likewise, as you can see in Table 6.1, men are more
likely to identify as homosexual, whereas women are more likely to identify as bisexual or “something else.” This same table also reveals that the prevalence of same-sex activity tends to be higher
among women than it is among men.
When considered together, all of this evidence suggests that sexual orientation is organized differently in the brains of men and women, such that men are more likely to “orient” on a specific
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target, whereas women tend to possess more flexibility. Please note that this should not be taken
to mean that “all women are inherently bisexual” or that “bisexuality does not exist in men.” As
with all research on sexuality, we can only speak in terms of general trends – there are few, perhaps
no, truly universal principles that apply to everyone of a specific group. Thus, if you are a heterosexual man whose ultimate fantasy is for your girlfriend to be bisexual, you should not automatically conclude that all you need to do to make your dreams come true is give your girlfriend a little
nudge in that direction. While women appear to have more erotic plasticity than men, the degree
of “flexibility” varies considerably and some women may not have any flexibility at all (as evidenced by some of the lesbian data reported above).
Sexual Orientation Attitudes
In numerous societies throughout history, people who engaged in any form of same-sex behavior
were looked down upon. Of course, attitudes have fluctuated across time and culture (e.g., homosexuality and bisexuality were more socially accepted among the ancient Greeks and Romans), but
for the most part, they have been negative. In this section, we will explore modern attitudes toward
non-heterosexuals, including the different forms of prejudice that exist and the way the field of
psychology views sexual orientation.
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Prejudice Against Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Persons
Sexual prejudice is the general term used to describe all forms of prejudice that stem from an
individual’s actual or perceived sexual orientation (Herek, 2000). This could include bias toward
persons of any sexuality, including heterosexuals. However, such prejudice is most frequently
directed against gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals.
Prejudice specific to gays and lesbians is known more commonly as homophobia. This term
suggests that sexual prejudice stems from an irrational fear (i.e., a true phobia) of homosexual
persons. However, antigay prejudice is usually construed more broadly as consisting of a constellation of negative attitudes, with fear being just one such attitude. Related to homophobia is
­heterosexism, or the assumption that everyone is heterosexual and that attraction to the other sex
is normative. Many people would assume that homophobia and heterosexism are perfectly correlated, but that is not the case. It is possible for an individual to be heterosexist without necessarily
being homophobic. For instance, a non-homophobic person may still assume that anyone who
wears a wedding ring is married to someone of the other sex because that person may have been
culturally conditioned to view marriage as a heterosexual institution.
Prejudice specific to bisexuals is known as biphobia. Again, while it may take the form of a true
phobia for some, this type of prejudice can have its basis in a number of other emotions (e.g.,
anger, resentment). A related form of bias is monosexism, or the belief that exclusive attraction
to one sex is the norm. It is important to recognize that heterosexuals are not the only ones who
can be biphobic and monosexist – gays and lesbians can hold these biases as well.
Prejudice against non-heterosexuals is common. For instance, a 2013 Gallup poll found that two
in five Americans believe that sexual activity among persons of the same sex is wrong (Newport &
Himelfarb, 2013). Of course, it is important to recognize that these attitudes have shifted considerably in the past few years. In fact, just one decade before that 2013 poll, the vast majority of
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Figure 6.7 Overt displays of homophobia are common in many parts of the world. Constant encounters with prejudice
of this nature have adverse effects on the gay and lesbian community. Source: EwS (Own work) [CC-BY-SA-2.0 (http://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0)], via Wikimedia Commons.
Americans held negative views. It is also worth noting that these attitudes vary considerably crossculturally, with more tolerance in the Western world and less throughout much of Africa and Asia,
where laws criminalizing same-sex behavior still exist in some countries. For instance, sexual activity with a member of the same sex is a crime punishable by death in Sudan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and
Yemen (ILGA, 2013a).
Although homophobia and biphobia are common, some research suggests that biphobia may
be even more prevalent. For instance, in one national US survey, participants were asked to rate
how they felt about various groups of people (including racial, religious, political, and sexual
minority groups) using a feeling thermometer (Herek, 2002). The thermometer ranged from 0 to
100, with higher ratings indicating “warmer” (i.e., more positive) feelings. Bisexual men and
women were the second-lowest-rated group, appearing below gays and lesbians. The only group
rated lower than bisexuals was injection drug users.
Despite the prevalence of homophobia and biphobia, gay and bisexual persons tend to have
more ability to “come out” and live their lives openly today than at any other time in recent history.
For instance, a growing number of countries have passed laws protecting the rights of sexual
minorities in housing and employment. Moreover, some of these countries offer legal recognition
for same-sex couples in the form of marriages, civil unions, or domestic partnerships. In addition,
there are numerous organizations worldwide that offer support to the gay and bisexual communities and provide a voice for them in ongoing political debates.
Origins of Sexual Prejudice
Where do homophobia and biphobia come from? There are likely many contributing factors. For
example, research has found that the holding of strong religious beliefs is one of the most potent
predictors of sexual prejudice (Herek & Capitanio, 1996). This is perhaps not surprising in light of
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how many religions throughout the world hold the view that sexual behavior with someone of the
same sex is always morally wrong. This research also reveals that lower levels of education, older
age, and having little contact with gays and lesbians are associated with greater sexual prejudice.
Another contributing factor is a fear of one’s own same-sex attraction. Consistent with this idea,
research has found that homophobic men who identify as heterosexual demonstrate significantly
greater sexual arousal in response to gay pornography than their non-homophobic, heterosexual
counterparts (Adams, Wright, & Lohr, 1996). For more on how homophobia may stem from one’s
own homosexuality, see the Digging Deeper 6.1 box.
Digging Deeper 6.1 Are Homophobic People Repressing
Their Own Same-Sex Desires?
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The idea that homophobia stems from fears of one’s own homosexuality has received a lot of
public validation in recent years. From evangelical preacher Ted Haggard, to former United States
Senator Larry Craig, to psychologist George Reckers (one of the leading proponents of “reparative therapy”), some of those who have been fighting hardest against LGBT rights have wound
up embroiled in gay sex scandals of their own. Naturally, many of us wonder why. A fascinating
set of studies suggests that this type of hypocrisy may be traced back to the way these individuals
were raised by their parents (Weinstein, Ryan, DeHaan, Przybylski, & Legate, 2012).
Figure 6.8 Several prominent politicians, including former United States Senator Larry Craig, have been
embroiled in gay sex scandals despite voting in favor of legislation restricting gay rights. This tells us that
homophobia may partly stem from discomfort with one’s own same-sex attraction. Source: Public domain image,
via Wikimedia Commons.
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161
The theory is that when parents fail to provide support for their children’s sense of independence, those children become susceptible to developing a discrepancy between their true
identity and the identity they express to the rest of the world. That is, when parents try to
control their children’s opinions, beliefs, and behaviors or make their love contingent upon
their children acting a certain way, children may start behaving in a way that is consistent
with their parents’ desires, even though it may be opposite from their true feelings. This is
especially likely to happen in children whose feelings of self-worth are dependent upon
parental approval, as opposed to children who could not care less about what their parents
think of them. Thus, if a gay person is raised by parents who believe that homosexuality is
unacceptable, that individual might repress any same-sex desires and express the homophobic attitudes that are likely to earn parental love and approval. This might lay the foundation
for a lifelong pattern of being outwardly homophobic and denying one’s own homosexuality as a way of gaining social acceptance.
Support for this idea was obtained in a set of four studies conducted by Weinstein and
colleagues (2012). Participants were male and female college students in the United States
and Germany. Results indicated that people whose parents (especially their fathers) discouraged independence were the most likely to have a discrepancy between their explicit and
implicit sexual identities (i.e., they identified as straight, but showed unconscious attraction
toward members of the same-sex). Individuals with these identity discrepancies also
expressed the most hostility toward homosexuality and were the most likely to support public policies that discriminate against gays and lesbians (e.g., policies prohibiting same-sex
couples from marrying or adopting children).
These studies suggest that parenting styles and internal conflict may play an even larger
role in the development of homophobia than previously thought. They also provide us with
insight into some of the psychological factors that may underlie the hypocrisy evident in
recent cases of anti-gay religious and political figures caught in gay sex scandals, not to mention the motivations behind anti-gay bullying and hate crimes more broadly. Of course, it is
important to keep in mind that homophobia does not necessarily have to develop this way
and not everyone who is homophobic has repressed same-sex attraction. While this research
represents a fascinating and important piece of the puzzle, it is certainly not the last word on
the origin of anti-gay prejudice.
Note: Reprinted with permission from The Psychology of Human Sexuality blog (www.lehmiller.com).
Another factor in sexual prejudice is biological sex. Research has reliably found that heterosexual
men tend to be more homophobic and biphobic than heterosexual women (Herek, 2002). Although
heterosexual men are more negative overall, their attitudes toward sexual minority men tends to
be more negative than their attitudes toward sexual minority women.
Consequences of Sexual Prejudice
Sexual prejudice has a wide range of effects on the gay, lesbian, and bisexual population. For
instance, sexual minorities are frequently the victims of violent crimes and vandalism as a result of
their sexuality. Specifically, one out of three gay men and one out of eight lesbians has been the
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Figure 6.9 Despite a continued high prevalence of sexual prejudice, gay, lesbian, and bisexual persons have more ability
today to live openly and freely than ever before. Source: Rama (Own work) [CC-BY-SA-2.0 France (http://creativecommons.
org/licenses/by-sa/2.0/fr/deed.en)], via Wikimedia Commons.
victim of a property crime or personal violence due to their sexual orientation (Herek, 2008).
Criminal acts that target people because of their actual or perceived sexuality are usually referred
to as hate crimes, and these can be extremely serious. In recent years, international attention has
been drawn to several cases where individuals have been horrifically beaten, tortured, or even
killed solely because they were not heterosexual.
In addition to more physical forms of victimization, sexual minorities frequently experience
harassment and bullying, intimidation, and discrimination (for a list of countries worldwide
that have anti-discrimination policies covering sexual orientation, see Table 6.2). This takes an
important toll on the overall physical and psychological well-being of gay, lesbian, and bisexual
persons. Frequent experiences with prejudice are stressful, and if you have ever taken a course
in health psychology, you are probably well aware of the detrimental effects of chronic stress
on our bodies and brains. As just one example, research on gay men has found that experiencing more sexuality-related stressors (e.g., discrimination) is linked to greater symptoms of
psychological distress, substance use, and riskier sexual behaviors (Hatzenbuehler, NolenHoeksema, & Erickson, 2008). Numerous other studies have demonstrated similar effects.
Thus, it is important to keep in mind that any time you hear about sexual minorities having
elevated rates of psychopathology or drug use, we are likely talking about the consequences
of differential experiences with stress.
Sexual Orientation in Psychological Perspective
For most of the twentieth century, the prevailing view of homosexuality in the field of psychology
was that it was a mental illness. In fact, until 1974, homosexuality was listed as a disorder in the
DSM. One of the major reasons behind this diagnostic change was the pioneering research of
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Table 6.2 Countries with Laws that Prohibit Employment Discrimination on the Basis
of Sexual Orientation
National laws
Some local laws, but no national law
Albania
Argentina
Bosnia and Herzegovina
Australia
Canada
Brazil
Chile
Japan
Columbia
Paraguay
Croatia
United States
European Union (All 27 Nations)
French Guiana
Georgia
Greenland
Israel
Kosovo
Macedonia
Mexico
Montenegro
Mozambique
Copyright © 2014. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
New Zealand
Norway
Serbia
South Africa
Switzerland
Venezuela
Source: ILGA (2013b).
psychologist Evelyn Hooker. In her most famous study, she gave psychological tests such as the
Thematic Apperception Test and the Rorschach Test to a sample of heterosexual and homosexual
men (Hooker, 1957). She then presented the results to a panel of psychological experts and asked
them to identify which results came from heterosexual men and which came from homosexual
men. This study revealed that there was no discernible difference in psychological adjustment
among men of different sexualities. Hooker’s work, combined with Alfred Kinsey’s research suggesting that same-sex activity is quite common, culminated in the field of psychology re-­evaluating
its stance on sexual orientation.
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Since the 1970s, the psychological community has viewed homosexuality and bisexuality as
natural human variations that do not require any type of “cure” or treatment. In fact, the American
Psychological Association encourages gay affirmative therapy for clients who are gay or lesbian.
The goal of this approach is to get patients to accept their sexuality, not to change their identity,
pattern of attraction, or behavior. Treatment focuses on helping the client cope with any stress or
stigma they experience as a result of their sexual identity.
A handful of therapists continue to deviate from this and practice reparative therapy (also known
as conversion therapy). As discussed in chapter 1, this practice involves active attempts at changing
a person’s sexual orientation, largely through the use of operant conditioning principles. However,
there is no evidence that this works and, in fact, it appears to cause more harm than anything
(Halderman, 2003).
Sexual Orientation Myths
To finish this chapter, let us set the record straight on some of the most common myths and
­stereotypes that exist on the topics of homosexuality and bisexuality.
MYTH: Men cannot truly be bisexual. Contrary to the popular stereotype that bisexual men are just
guys who are not ready to come out of the closet yet, research has found evidence of “true” male
bisexuality (i.e., strong physiological and psychological arousal in response to both men and
women). For more on this research, see the Digging Deeper 6.2 box.
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Digging Deeper 6.2 Are Bisexual People Aroused
By Both Men and Women?
“I’m not even sure bisexuality exists. I think it’s just a layover on the way to gaytown.”
– Carrie Bradshaw (Sex and the City)
Many of you are familiar with the popular stereotype of bisexual people as closeted gays
who are not ready to admit it to the world. Proponents of this stereotype were seemingly
validated by a 2005 study published in Psychological Science, which found that most men who
identified as bisexual exhibited stronger genital arousal in response to male pornographic
imagery than female pornographic imagery (Rieger, Chivers, & Bailey, 2005). However, a
more recent study published in Biological Psychology disputes this finding and presents convincing evidence that “true” bisexuality (i.e., strong attraction to both men and women)
exists (Rosenthal, Sylva, Safron, & Bailey, 2011).
Both of these studies employed identical methods. In each case, a sample of self-described
heterosexual, homosexual, and bisexual men was recruited. All participants were exposed to
a series of videos that alternated between non-sexual content, man-on-man pornography,
and woman-on-woman pornography. While watching these videos, male participants were
hooked up to a device that measured changes in penile size (i.e., a penile strain gauge). The
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165
only difference between the studies was in how bisexual participants were recruited. In the
original Rieger and colleagues (2005) report, bisexual participants were selected based upon
their self-reported sexual orientation (i.e., the only criterion was that they had to identify as
bisexual). In the more recent Rosenthal and colleagues (2011) report, bisexual participants
were selected only if they confirmed a history of sexual and romantic relationships with members
of both sexes. This was to help ensure that participants’ sexual identities and behaviors were
consistent.
The results for heterosexual and homosexual participants were consistent across studies
and were exactly what you would expect (i.e., genital arousal was strongest when exposed to
pornographic imagery featuring members of their desired sex). The findings for bisexual
men were more surprising, and each study reported a completely different pattern of results.
In the original report, bisexual participants’ genital arousal was almost always stronger in
response to men (same sex) than to women (other sex), consistent with the stereotype that
bisexuals are just “latent homosexuals.” However, in the more recent study, most bisexual
men exhibited high levels of genital arousal in response to both male and female pornography, providing evidence of true bisexuality. Bisexual men did not necessarily show equally
strong arousal to both sexes, but they showed high levels of arousal in each case.
Combined, these studies tell us that bisexuality is a complex identity that means different
things to different people, and that the way researchers define it has implications for the
kinds of results they obtain. For some people, bisexuality represents strong attraction toward
both men and women. For others, a bisexual identity may signify openness to new experiences, confusion or discomfort with one’s sexuality, or a number of other things. Although
much more research is needed on this topic (especially research that includes male and
female participants), these findings provide evidence that bisexuality is a distinct sexual
­orientation that should not be dismissed.
Copyright © 2014. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
Note: Reprinted with permission from The Psychology of Human Sexuality blog (www.lehmiller.com).
MYTH: All gay men are effeminate and all lesbians are masculine. While gender nonconformity is
indeed associated with homosexuality, behavioral characteristics and appearance vary considerably
across both gay men and lesbians. While it is certainly true that some gay men are effeminate, there
are also a lot of macho gay men. Likewise, some lesbians are masculine or “butch,” but others are
extremely feminine. The reality is that the gay and lesbian community is enormously diverse,
which means that traits and characteristics can vary greatly from one person to the next. As some
evidence of this, consider the fact that studies of “gaydar” have found that it is far from perfect
(Rieger et al., 2010), and that not everyone who identifies as gay displays gender nonconformity
(Rieger et al., 2008).
MYTH: In a gay relationship, someone must play the “husband” and someone must play the “wife”.
Despite popular media depictions that almost universally portray gay couples in this way, there
are not assigned roles in a gay relationship. The reality is that partners in gay and lesbian
relationships tend to share responsibilities equally rather than conforming to traditional gender
roles (Kurdek, 1998).
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MYTH: Gay parents tend to raise gay children. As previously mentioned, there is no empirical
support for the idea that homosexuality is socially transmitted. As a result, it is perhaps not
surprising that children of gay parents are no more likely to be gay than children of heterosexual
parents (Fitzgerald, 1999). Besides, if sexual orientation was purely a learned behavior, then why
do so many heterosexual parents produce gay children?
Copyright © 2014. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
MYTH: Homosexuality is correlated with pedophilia. There is no scientific link between homo­
sexuality and sexual interest in children. For instance, consider a study by Freund, Watson, and
Rienzo (1989) in which adult heterosexual and homosexual men were exposed to sexually
suggestive photos of male and female individuals at various ages (as children, adolescents, and
adults). The men were hooked up to penile strain gauges in order to measure arousal. Results
indicated that gay men did not respond any more to images of male children than heterosexual
men responded to images of female children. These findings, combined with other studies
suggesting that it is rare for child molesters to be gay or lesbian indicates that there is nothing to
even remotely back up this idea.
MYTH: All gay men are promiscuous and are incapable of having long-term relationships. This is perhaps
the most common stereotype about gay men, but the truth of the matter is that it is a wild
exaggeration. First, consider that gay and heterosexual men report having equally high sex drives
(Lippa, 2006). Thus, gay men do not necessarily have stronger libidos than their heterosexual
counterparts. But do they have more partners? Research has found that gay men have a higher
average number of partners (Laumann et al., 1994). However, a closer look at these data reveals
that this average is thrown off by a small number of gay men who reported an exceptionally large
number of partners. Instead, if you consider the median (which is not susceptible to the same
distortion as an average), homosexual men report having just one more partner than heterosexual
men do. Thus, the idea that all gay men are sleeping around at a substantially elevated rate is not
supported by research. Also, to the extent that some gay men indeed accumulate more partners, it
can probably be explained by the fact that it is easier to find a willing male partner than a willing
female partner due to differential interest in casual sex. If women expressed greater interest in
casual sex (or if society permitted them to do so without penalty), heterosexual men would likely
have just as many partners as gay men. It is also worth noting that gay men are perfectly capable
of having long-term, satisfying relationships. Sexuality makes no difference in one’s ability to have
a functional relationship.
MYTH: Bisexual people cannot be faithful. Some people believe that a bisexual person cannot remain
in an exclusive, monogamous relationship for long because a bisexual individual will ultimately
become dissatisfied and desire a partner of the other sex. However, bisexuals can indeed be content
with monogamy. For example, in Lisa Diamond’s (2008a) longitudinal study of sexual fluidity, she
found that 89% of the women who identified as bisexual wound up in long-term, monogamous
relationships.
MYTH: Most people who have HIV are gay or bisexual men. In the United States, this statement is
technically true. Most new infections are currently attributable to gay and bisexual men (Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention, 2012). However, if you look beyond the US, this is not true
at all. In other parts of the world, particularly in Africa, where HIV is most prevalent, the vast
Lehmiller, Justin J.. The Psychology of Human Sexuality, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central,
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Sexual Orientation
167
Figure 6.10 Sexual orientation does not affect one’s ability to develop and maintain a long-term, loving relationship.
Image Copyright Kobby Dagan, 2013. Used under license from Shutterstock.com.
Copyright © 2014. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
majority of people infected are heterosexuals, and about half of them are women. Thus, while this
statement may be true in some places, it is far from accurate when looking at the overall picture
for this disease.
Key Terms
sexual orientation
Kinsey scale
asexuality
pansexuality
polymorphously perverse
exotic becomes erotic
sexual fluidity
erotic plasticity
sexual prejudice
homophobia
heterosexism
biphobia
monosexism
gay affirmative therapy
Discussion Questions: What is Your
Perspective on Sex?
●●
What do you make of Freud’s notion that human beings are “polymorphously perverse?” Do
you think we all have an inherent tendency toward bisexuality and that exposure to different
environmental factors can bring out different sexualities? Does this remind you of other
theoretical perspectives we discussed?
Lehmiller, Justin J.. The Psychology of Human Sexuality, John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated, 2014. ProQuest Ebook Central,
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Created from springfieldcollege on 2020-03-03 06:52:27.
168
●●
●●
Sexual Orientation
What are some examples of heterosexism and monosexism you have observed in your own life?
Proponents of “reparative therapy” often argue that if it is legitimate to help persons with
gender dysphoria change their sex, it should also be legitimate to help someone who is distressed about their sexual orientation to change that aspect of the self. What is your response
to this argument?
Copyright © 2014. John Wiley & Sons, Incorporated. All rights reserved.
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